Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali, who was assassinated in Islamabad on Friday 3 May.

Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali, who was assassinated in Islamabad on Friday 3 May.

As the 11 May election date approaches, the campaign of violence in Pakistan has increased drastically. I’ve been speaking and writing about the subject. Here are a few links.

Pakistan’s deadly democracy (Guardian)

Upcoming elections have been called the bloodiest ever, as political killings on a dizzying scale fuel mistrust and insecurity. I’ve written about the issue for the Guardian.

Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali, chief prosecutor in Benazir Bhutto assassination, murdered in Pakistan (New Statesman)

On Friday 3 May, the lawyer leading the inquiry into Bhutto’s death was gunned down on his way to a court hearing. I blogged on it for the New Statesman.

BBC World Service

The same day, I appeared on the BBC’s World Service, both radio and television, to discuss the upsurge of political violence.  The podcast of the radio discussion is here and will be available until Friday 10th May.

How the Taliban is having a chilling effect on the Pakistani election (New Statesman)

In late April, I wrote a piece for the New Statesman which looks at how the secular, liberal parites have been intimidated into silence.

Journalists in Islamabad protest in 2009.

Journalists in Islamabad protest in 2009.

I contributed a short segment to Monocle 24′s special package on World Press Freedom Day. The podcast is available here. I’m on from about 19 minutes in. Here’s the text of what I said:

It’s sometimes a surprise to outsiders quite how free and vibrant the media in Pakistan actually is.

The outgoing government has many faults, but it’s done a lot to further freedom of expression. Newspapers have played a significant role in uncovering corruption and acting as a check on power over the last decade.

Reporters critical of the government face less official interference today than they did before the return to civilian rule in 2008, but it’s not an entirely positive picture.

Last year, a United Nations report ranked Pakistan as the second most dangerous country in the world for journalists. Since 2000, more than 90 journalists have been killed– mostly Pakistanis.

Last year, I did some work with the national newspaper Dawn, and entering their offices in Karachi involved multiple metal detectors, bomb detectors, and bag searches, because the Taliban had directly threatened media groups over negative coverage.

This high risk of death leads to a degree of self-censorship. This year’s Human Rights Watch report said that “a climate of fear impeded media coverage of the state security forces and militant groups”. So while government corruption is freely reported on, the powerful military establishment remains largely untouched. Journalists know which areas they can push and which they can’t.

Foreign reporters are safer – and therefore freer – than local journalists, partly because we can afford to take more security measures. But most still proceed with a degree of caution on certain topics, like the ISI. However, we can be safe in the knowledge that the worst that’s likely to happen to us is a swift exit from the country, while local journalists have nowhere to escape to.

An acid victim poses with a picture of her before the attack.Acid violence is a particularly brutal form of gender-based violence, whereby acid or other corrosive substances are thrown at people – usually women – with the intent of disfiguring. The problem is prevalent in rural areas of Pakistan, and came to international attention with the Oscar-winning documentary Saving Face in 2012. I visited the Acid Survivors Foundation in Islamabad and interviewed some survivors. The full feature is available at the New Statesman.

Zainab was 12 when it happened. She was at home in her village in Bahawalpur, Pakistan, asleep in bed. Her neighbour’s son climbed over the low walls separating the houses, came into her room, and threw acid on her face.

“It felt like someone had put fire on me,” she says. “No-one could forget that pain. It stays all your life.”

Weeks earlier, the neighbour’s son had proposed to Zainab’s sister and been rejected. He was seeking revenge, but attacked the wrong sister.

Zainab, who is now 19, comes from a poor family, with little money or influence. Rather than go to the police, the family sought the help of their tribal elders, who brought the young man in question before them and demanded to know whether he had committed the crime. He swore on the Qur’an that he hadn’t, and given the potency of the religious book, was released.

“I was scared and I wanted to move,” says Zainab. “I didn’t want to stay there in case it happened again, but all the elders said ‘such things don’t happen all the time’. After exactly one year, he threw it again.”

Badam Zari.

Badam Zari.

Two women from Waziristan, the militancy plagued northern region of Pakistan, are standing in elections for the first time ever. I’ve reported on the story for the New Statesman.

Pakistan’s tribal areas are not known for female empowerment. The Federally Administered Tribal Area (Fata) which borders Afghanistan is an ultra-conservative region where women are mostly uneducated, and rarely leave the house without their husbands, if at all.

However, a female resident from Bajaur district made history yesterday, by becoming Pakistan’s first ever tribal woman to stand in elections. Badam Zari is a 40 year old housewife, with no children. “I want to reach the assembly to become a voice for women, especially those living in the tribal areas,” she told the Associated Press on Monday. “This was a difficult decision, but now I am determined and hopeful society will support me.” Her husband, Sultan Khan, accompanied her when she went to file her nomination papers. He says she has his full backing.

PTI supporters attend Imran Khan's rally in Lahore, 23 March.

PTI supporters attend Imran Khan’s rally in Lahore, 23 March.

Here’s a round up of some of the opinion pieces I’ve been writing recently.

New Statesman

Manoeuvres and rallies as Pakistan’s election campaign heats up

I wrote this piece after attending Imran Khan’s big jalsa (rally) in Lahore. This is set to be a tight race, and nothing – not even assassination – is beyond the realms of possibility.

Historic moment as Pakistan’s elected civilian government completes full five year term

There are still challenges to be overcome, but merely surviving is something of an achievement.

The Kafkaesque reality of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws

Sherry Rehman, Pakistan’s ambassador to the US, is under police investigation for alleged blasphemy after making the case on television for the law to be re-examined and for the death penalty to be removed.

Express Tribune

Protecting women from domestic abuse

It seems unlike­ly that any of the major partie­s will includ­e a commit­ment on gender-based violen­ce in their manife­stos

Pakistan’s youth bulge

How import­ant will young people actual­ly be in decidi­ng the electi­on result?

The Good, the Bad and the Election

With the curren­t climat­e of uncert­ainty, it will do wonder­s for public confid­ence if the electi­on goes ahead at all.

Who is a terrorist — and who isn’t — in Pakistan?

If Pakist­an cannot agree on how they view TTP, it’s diffic­ult to see how anythi­ng fruitf­ul can come out of peace talks.

Monocle

I’ve appeared on a few shows on Monocle 24 in the past few weeks. On 22 March, I discussed Perves Musharraf’s return to Pakistan (podcast here). On 26 March, I ran through the top political stories in Pakistan, including Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif’s respective election campaigns, and the power crisis (podcast here).

 

I also blog regularly on the Middle East for Middle East Monitor. An archive of those blogs can be seen here.

Weapons seized by Pakistan Rangers in Karachi.

Weapons seized by Pakistan Rangers in Karachi.

I wrote a long feature for the March issue of Prospect Magazine. It looks at the shape of militancy in Pakistan – and the efforts being made to counter it. The piece is online here (behind a paywall), and the cutting is below.

 “Militancy and extremism is a fault line that runs through Pakistani society,” says Ali Dayan Hasan, Pakistan director of Human Rights Watch. “Any idea that it is localised, that it is limited to a certain area or ethnicity, is simply incorrect. This is Pakistani society at war with itself. And there is a high level of denial about this ideological civil war.”

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Policeman stand guard in Karachi, February 2013.

Policeman stand guard in Karachi, February 2013.

Kidnapping in Karachi is big business, with criminal gangs, political groups, and militants all using abductions as a fundraising tool. Late last year, I interviewed Imran, who was kidnapped and held by the Taliban for three months. I’ve written up his story for the New Statesman.

Imran was on his way to work when it happened. Two motorcyclists pulled up on either side of his car. The man next to his window showed him a gun, a standard technique by thieves on Karachi’s hectic streets. Assuming he was being mugged, Imran held his hands up to show he was unarmed and handed over his phone and wallet. It was not enough. The gunmen forced Imran and his driver out onto the street. They held a gun to his head, blindfolded him, and bundled him into a nearby car.

“It happened very quickly,” he tells me over dinner at a popular seaside restaurant in the port city. “They tied up my hands and covered my eyes. That was when I knew I was being kidnapped.”

You can read the full piece over at my NS blog.

Other recent writings

I’ve contributed these columns to the Express Tribune over the past few weeks:

To be a journalist in Pakistan

The threat to journa­lists comes from terror­ists, but also from the powerf­ul securi­ty establ­ishmen­t.

World of drones

Drones are not going to go away and they are not going to stop being contro­versia­l.

Reforming the police

With parts of Pakist­an slippi­ng out of the state’s contro­l, an effect­ive police force would be a good place to start.

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